ften described as “Saddam loyalists”, “Ba’athist remnants”, “Iraqi insurgents” and more recently “Al-Qaida affiliates”, there is no question_light that Iraqi resistance fighters are causing havoc for US forces occupying the country. With a mounting US death toll, well-executed daily ambushes and what seems to be an endless supply of weapons and innovative ways to use them, the efforts of resistance fighters continue to impede the US agenda. But who are these so-called “insurgents”?

Up until now, that has depended on who you talk to and when.

On any given day, the White House describes the resistance fighters in a manner that makes the most political sense. Either they are Al-Qaida coming through Iran or Ba’athists being trained in Syria and “militant Muslims” coming from the “Sunni Triangle” inside the country, depending on that day’s agenda. Reporters on the ground say they are ordinary Iraqis who are taking up arms against the US, frustrated with no jobs, no infrastructure and no stability and the Muslims say they are mujahideen rallying to expel the foreign occupiers from this Muslim land.

Thanks to the work of Oakhurst Technology, we now have a clear picture. The company has compiled an in-depth report on who’s who inside the Iraqi resistance that finally dispels the myths and gives a factual accounting of those who are taking up arms against the American occupiers. Published exclusively by Jihad Unspun, we are pleased to present this report.

Most fighters are motivated by the religion of Islam or nationalism, not by support for Saddam Hussein. In fact, some of the groups may not even know who their leaders at the very top are or where their financing is coming from. The ideology of many of the fighters is described as "post-Saddam" and is a simple combination of Islamism and nationalism, covering a wide spectrum of Muslims viewpoints that converge on the common goal of ending US military rule inside the country. The US occupation is an assault on both Islam and the entire Arab World, and is therefore viewed as something that must be resisted. Saddam loyalists may be more active in the command and control, recruiting, planning, hiring, weapons procurement, financial, and logistical end than in the actual fighting within their limited involvement.

Muslims: One study found most fighters were Sunni and Shia Iraqi Arabs, some with a militant background however many are merely pious, mostly Sunni, often tribal, Arab Muslims who claim to be "fighting for Islam" and are not necessarily fundamentalists.

Saddam Loyalists: A minority of fighters, but not a particularly large group, Saddam loyalists may be involved in the top-level (hidden) leadership of some groups and appear to have a significant role in funding. A number of former Saddam loyalists are present in anti-Saddam groups and were required to take a vow to renounce loyalty to him regime in order to do so. A number of the former Saddam Fedayeen were reportedly to have converted quickly to the Islamic agenda, becoming members of active Islamic resistance groups.

Mercenaries: The US alleges that some fighters are mere mercenaries in it for the money and care nothing about the cause. Mercenaries make up very few fighters.

Turkmen: A few Turkmen are known to have taken up arms, but most have not.

Kurds: Only a very few Kurds have taken up arms, and most of those are hard-line Muslims, such as the Al-Ansar group, however that group is now said to be defunct and some of their mujahideen have joined other active groups.

Christians: A few Iraqi Christians are known to have taken up arms, but most have not.

Criminals: This group makes up some of the fighters, but not many.

In the Summer of 2003, there were some reports that Syrians were often outnumbering locals in carrying out attacks in various locations including Fallujah, Ramadi, Baghdad, Baqubah, Balad, Tikrit and Mosul however, these reports were contradicted by reports in November indicating most fighters in most parts of Iraq have been native Iraqis. Most of the foreign fighters in the post-major combat phase (defined as after May 1, 2003) have been Syrians and Lebanese, with Jordanians, Yemenis, Palestinians, Kuwaitis, Saudis and North Africans (mostly Egyptians and Algerians) being most significant among the balance.

Many of these could better be described as Arab nationalists, rather than Muslim mujahideen, as a number of them are not particularly religious. Dozens of Arab fighters have come from France and hundreds from Europe. In addition to the nations above, others came from Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Chechnya, Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Bangladesh, Qatar, Sudan, Somalia, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya. Saudi dissident leaders stated that 5,000 Saudi mujahideen were present in Baghdad in November 2003. US intelligence believed there were up to 15,000 Saudis in Iraq in September 2003. There were at least 120 Jordanians in the Sunni Triangle fighting US forces as of November. There were also reports that several hundred Kuwaiti (anti-Kuwaiti regime) mujahideen were heading into Iraq in November 2003.

Iran reportedly filtered in about 11,000-12,000 Iranian fighters to the Shia South, mostly Revolutionary Guard, during the Karbala pilgrimage in Spring 2003. This group has, for the most part, been working to gain influence in the region and is operating peacefully in most instances, having been involved in only a very few armed conflicts. There is some evidence that they may be stockpiling arms in the South, along with other Iraqi Shia armed groups for later use. The number of Al-Qaida (see entry on Al-Qada Foreign Fighters ) currently in Iraq is highly speculative, with estimates ranging from 300-1000 however there is evidence to suggest that 300 may be more accurate.

Foreign Fighters During and Before Major Combat (March 19 - May 1, 2003): Many foreign fighters came before and during major combat. An attempt was made to organize these fighters under a central command towards the end of major combat. By the fall of Baghdad, the central command of the Arab mujahideen stated there were 8,000 foreign fighters in Baghdad just in Baghdad alone. They took heavy casualties during the invasion, and many returned home after Baghdad fell. Now in the so-called postwar phase, they are returning.

About 1,500-2,000 Palestinians came during major combat, mostly from a splinter group of the Al Aqsa Martyr’s Brigades aligned with Syria and located in a Lebanese refugee camp. About 30-40 more members of the Al Aqsa Martyr’s Brigades came from just one town in the West Bank.

Fighters from Romania and Vietnam (Communists), Indonesia, Russia, Dagestan (8,000) and Malaysia reportedly were also headed for the battled field in the post war phase but it appears they never made it. Hamas and Islamic Jihad each sent units of 300 fighters, with Islamic Jihad's mujahideen coming through Lebanon. Hezbollah sent approximately 800 mujahideen and they continued to trickle in long after major combat ended. Hezbollah operatives went mostly to the South after major combat phase. Lashkar-e-Toiba, a Pakistani group active in Kashmir and that also maintains a Saudi presence, sent a number of mujahideen, possibly as many as 100-200, during the major combat phase, and suffered casualties. The Taliban, Al-Qaida, Hezb-e-Islami, and HUM (Pakistani Kashmiri fighters) all sent mujahideen, with most arriving after the major combat phase.

Al-Qaida Foreign Fighters: Al-Qaida appears to now have an open presence in Iraq however this has not been validated. In the months prior to the war, when conflict seemed inevitable, small units of Al-Qaida formed cells in Baghdad, but were ordered to stay clear of Saddam’s regime. This group numbered only 30-40. They fought during the war and remained afterwards, when they were reinforced by other operatives.

Many of the Al-Qaida who came to Iraq during and after major combat phase appear to have come in via Iran, either across the border east of Baghdad, or to the north through the Kurdish areas. A few others came across the Turkish border into the Kurdish zone.

Some may have crossed the Saudi and more recently, the Kuwaiti borders. Few appear to have crossed the Syrian or Jordanian borders. The whole question_light of Al-Qaida’s role in the Iraq War or the guerilla war that has followed is poorly understood, probably due to the vaporous nature of the group.